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On March 24, 2025, Jean-Marie Olinda Lituambela, head of Tshopo province’s Transport, Communication Routes, and Opening-up division, announced plans to phase out wooden boats over five years old from circulation in Kisangani. This decision, aimed at enhancing safety and compliance with river navigation laws, could significantly impact trade and transportation in the region.

The wooden boats in question, including whaleboats, have been a lifeline for Kisangani, connecting it to towns like Isangi, Lokutu, Basoko, Opala, and Mbandaka. These vessels transport essential goods such as rice, palm oil, fish, and charcoal, ensuring food security for local communities. However, their removal could disrupt supply chains and isolate rural markets, including Yafira, Yanonge, and Yangambi, unless replaced with suitable alternatives.

"The law on river transport imposes the decommissioning of any boat more than five years old. Teams will shortly be dispatched to identify the boats, check their technical condition, and determine their actual number", Jean-Marie Olinda Lituambela told Agence Congolaise de Presse. Boat owners affected by the measure will be sensitized so that they can build new vessels.

A study by anthropologist Peter Lambertz highlights the importance of these wooden boats. Between 2018 and 2019, their numbers increased from 66 to 81 in Kisangani’s private ports, owned by 56 to 69 different shipowners. In contrast, modern metal barges—mainly used for heavy cargo to Kinshasa—are too expensive and ill-suited for local needs, limiting passenger transport.

As the study points out, modern metal barges, inherited from the colonial era, are too costly and ill-suited to local needs. They are mainly used to transport heavy goods to Kinshasa, with journeys limited to two to four trips per year. What's more, they officially prohibit passengers, unlike the whaleboats, which reserve an upper deck for them.

Boaz Kabeya (intern)

 

Rio Tinto, the Australian mining behemoth, is setting its sights on Africa's lithium reserves as it seeks to bolster its position in the global supply chain for this critical battery metal. Citing sources close to the matter, Bloomberg reported on March 28, 2025, that the company is in preliminary talks with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) regarding the potential development of the southern portion of the Manono lithium deposit.

This move comes on the heels of Rio Tinto's recent $6.7 billion acquisition of Arcadium Lithium, which significantly expanded its lithium portfolio across Argentina, the United States, and Asia.

The company is also advancing its lithium projects, including the Rincon development in Argentina and in Jadar, Serbia.

The Manono deposit, considered one of the world's largest untapped lithium resources, boasts estimated mineral resources of at least 400 million tonnes. Rio Tinto's interest in this African asset marks a strategic pivot, following its 2024 partnership with Rwanda to explore strategic mineral deposits, including lithium.

Rio Tinto is not the only giant eyeing Manono's riches. KoBold Metals, a California-based firm backed by tech luminaries Bill Gates and Jeff Bezos, recently proposed a development plan for the southern section of the deposit. 

These overtures come amid ongoing legal disputes involving AVZ Minerals, the current permit holder for the southern portion, and state-owned Cominière over the alleged illegal partitioning of the Manono mining permit.

The northern section of Manono is already under development by Manono Lithium SAS, a joint venture between Cominière and China's Zijin Mining Group. 

Rio Tinto's renewed focus on lithium aligns with long-term market projections. Despite recent price declines due to temporary oversupply, analysts anticipate a market reversal driven by the global energy transition. The International Energy Agency (IEA) predicts a lithium deficit exceeding 150,000 tonnes by 2030, underscoring the strategic importance of securing future supply sources.

This article was initially published in French by Aurel Sèdjro Houenou (Ecofin Agency)

Edited in English by Ola Schad Akinocho

 

AstraZeneca, one of the world’s leading pharmaceutical brands, bought his company two weeks ago. Jean-Pierre Latere is his name, and his startup, EsoBiotec, was purchased by the British giant. Latere, a Congolese-born Belgian scientist, founded EsoBiotec in 2020 in Mont-Saint-Guibert, Belgium. The deal with AstraZeneca is valued at one billion dollars. 

Under the deal, the behemoth will make an upfront payment of $425 million and potential future payments of $575 million tied to performance milestones. AstraZeneca's substantial investment hinges on EsoBiotec's groundbreaking in vivo cell therapy technology, which aims to simplify cancer treatment to a single injection, dramatically reducing costs and expanding patient access.

From Lubumbashi to the World

Latere's journey from Lubumbashi to the forefront of biotechnology innovation is a testament to perseverance and scientific ingenuity. After growing up in Kinshasa and attending the prestigious Boboto High School, Latere left his home country at 18, in 1994. He went on to Belgium, where he earned a Ph.D. in polymer chemistry from the University of Liège. He subsequently completed postdoctoral work at the University of Michigan.

His career path led him through Johnson & Johnson and Celyad Oncology, where he honed his expertise in cellular therapies. Motivated by personal experience with cancer in his family, Latere founded EsoBiotec to address the limitations of existing CAR-T cell therapies, which are effective but time-consuming and expensive.

EsoBiotec's Engineered NanoBody Lentiviral (ENaBL) platform represents a paradigm shift in cancer treatment. By leveraging the patient's body as its own cellular factory, the technology eliminates the need for complex ex vivo cell manipulation, potentially slashing treatment times from weeks to days and significantly reducing costs.

Six Years to Launch

EsoBiotec's Engineered NanoBody Lentiviral (ENaBL) platform represents a paradigm shift in cancer treatment. By leveraging the patient's body as its own cellular factory, the technology eliminates the need for complex ex vivo cell manipulation, potentially slashing treatment times from weeks to days and significantly reducing costs.

With the first patient treated in December 2024 and "exceptional" results published in January, EsoBiotec caught the attention of pharmaceutical giants. The AstraZeneca acquisition now positions Latere's innovation for rapid development and commercialization, with the first product expected to reach the market within five to six years.

Pierre Mukoko and Ronsard Luabeya (intern)

 

En vue de renforcer ses positions dans la chaîne d’approvisionnement mondiale en lithium, le géant minier australien Rio Tinto s’intéresse à l’Afrique. Selon des informations rapportées le 28 mars 2025 par Bloomberg, qui cite des sources proches du dossier, la compagnie mène actuellement des discussions avec la République démocratique du Congo (RDC) concernant l’exploitation de la partie sud du gisement de Manono.

Rio Tinto s’est récemment imposé comme l’un des principaux fournisseurs mondiaux de ce métal stratégique, à la suite de l’acquisition d’Arcadium Lithium pour 6,7 milliards de dollars. Cette société détient plusieurs projets de développement en Argentine, aux États-Unis et en Asie.

Parallèlement, le groupe australien développe ses propres actifs de lithium, notamment à Rincon, en Argentine, et à Jadar, en Serbie. En 2024, Rio Tinto a également signé un partenariat avec le Rwanda en vue d’exploiter des gisements de minéraux stratégiques, dont le lithium.

Ce nouveau contact avec Kinshasa constitue néanmoins la première approche directe de Rio Tinto sur le continent africain pour un actif dont le potentiel est déjà reconnu. Manono est en effet considéré comme l’un des plus grands gisements de lithium inexploités au monde, avec des ressources minérales estimées à au moins 400 millions de tonnes.

Les discussions en cours en sont encore à un stade préliminaire, précisent les sources, et aucun accord n’a pour l’instant été conclu entre les parties.

Rio Tinto n’est d’ailleurs pas la seule compagnie internationale à s’intéresser au projet de Manono. Bloomberg a révélé la semaine dernière que l’Américain KoBold Metals — soutenu par Bill Gates et Jeff Bezos — a également proposé aux autorités congolaises un plan de développement pour la partie sud du gisement.

Des intérêts qui pourraient toutefois se heurter à ceux de la société australienne AVZ Minerals, détentrice actuelle du permis couvrant la partie sud du projet. L’entreprise est par ailleurs engagée dans une procédure judiciaire contre la société d’État Cominière, qu’elle accuse d’avoir scindé illégalement le permis d’exploitation de Manono. Cette scission avait conduit à la création de Manono Lithium SAS, une coentreprise entre Cominière et le groupe chinois Zijin Mining, qui développe aujourd’hui la partie nord du gisement.

L’intérêt manifesté par Rio Tinto intervient dans un contexte où les perspectives à long terme du marché du lithium sont jugées favorables. Si le prix de ce minerai a fortement chuté depuis 2022, en raison d’un excès d’offre temporaire, les analystes prévoient un retournement de tendance dans les prochaines années, porté par la dynamique de la transition énergétique.

Selon l’Agence internationale de l’énergie (AIE), la demande mondiale de lithium devrait croître fortement, au point de provoquer un déficit de plus de 150 000 tonnes d’ici 2030.

Aurel Sèdjro Houenou, Agence Ecofin

Lithium de Manono : Bill Gates et Jeff Bezos s’invitent dans la bataille

Litige sur le lithium de Manono : AVZ obtient une nouvelle décision favorable

Accord minerais contre sécurité : Tshisekedi annonce des avancées avec les États-Unis

Lors de la réunion du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies tenue le 27 mars 2025, les États-Unis ont exigé la réouverture immédiate de l’aéroport de Goma, dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC). « Nous exigeons que le M23 (…) prenne les mesures nécessaires pour rouvrir l’aéroport sans délai », a déclaré Dorothy Shea (photo), qui assure l’intérim en tant qu’ambassadrice des États-Unis auprès de l’ONU depuis le 20 janvier 2025.

L’aéroport de Goma constitue une infrastructure essentielle pour l’approvisionnement des acteurs économiques et humanitaires opérant dans la province du Nord-Kivu, difficilement accessible par voie terrestre ou fluviale. Depuis la prise de la ville de Goma, l’ONU, l’Union européenne et d’autres organisations réclament la réouverture de cet aéroport, en vue d’y établir un couloir humanitaire destiné à venir en aide aux victimes d’un conflit qui s’est intensifié depuis le début de l’année. Ce conflit oppose, depuis plusieurs années, les forces gouvernementales au M23, un mouvement soutenu par le Rwanda.

Selon Radio France Internationale (RFI), le M23 aurait déjà entamé des opérations de déminage, une étape indispensable à la réouverture de l’aéroport. Mais d’importants obstacles subsistent : neutraliser totalement les engins explosifs pour garantir la sécurité aérienne, rétablir la tour de contrôle, et relancer la gestion des bagages ainsi que les opérations quotidiennes.

Par ailleurs, l’identité de l’acteur chargé d’assurer le fonctionnement de l’aéroport reste inconnue. Les autorités de la RDC ne se sont pas encore publiquement exprimées sur le sujet, et une collaboration entre Kinshasa et le M23 semble difficilement envisageable, même sur cette question logistique. La Mission des Nations unies en RDC (Monusco) pourrait toutefois jouer un rôle de médiateur ou d’opérateur. « Nous exigeons du M23 qu’il cesse immédiatement d’entraver les opérations de la Monusco », a d’ailleurs souligné Dorothy Shea.

Cette déclaration américaine intervient dans un contexte diplomatique marqué par la controverse. Ronny Jackson, membre du Congrès américain et présenté comme un émissaire de Donald Trump par plusieurs gouvernements de la région des Grands Lacs qu’il a rencontrés à la mi-mars, a récemment fait un compte rendu de sa tournée, suscitant des réactions contrastées.

Devant un comité aux États-Unis, Jackson a réaffirmé l’inviolabilité des frontières de la RDC. Toutefois, il a estimé qu’une solution militaire ne mettrait pas fin au conflit. Lui et d’autres intervenants lors de cette séance ont plaidé pour la mise en place d’un cadre régional garantissant la sécurité et les intérêts économiques de tous les acteurs de la zone, tout en appelant Kinshasa à renforcer sa gouvernance.

Georges Auréole Bamba

Lire aussi :

Accord minerais contre sécurité : Tshisekedi annonce des avancées avec les États-Unis

À Bukavu et Goma, les bières burundaises et rwandaises profitent du conflit

Paiement des salaires : les solutions de Rawbank et Equity BCDC à l’est de la RDC

Commerce transfrontalier : des trajets plus longs entre Goma, Bukavu et l’Ouganda

Conflit à l’est de la RDC : des compagnies aériennes en difficulté à Kisangani

La filiale congolaise du groupe bancaire panafricain United Bank for Africa (UBA), basé à Lagos, au Nigeria, a vu sa contribution au bénéfice du groupe multipliée par près de cinq en 2024 (4,8 fois exactement), selon des documents officiels consultés par Bankable. La banque, qui publie ses résultats consolidés en nairas — la monnaie nigériane —, a annoncé un bénéfice net de 21 milliards de nairas pour UBA RDC en 2024, contre 4,3 milliards un an plus tôt. Cela représente une hausse de 388 % sur un an.

Cette performance exceptionnelle s’explique principalement par la forte progression du résultat d’exploitation (valeur ajoutée nette des charges) de la filiale congolaise, qui s’élève à 22,8 milliards de nairas en 2024, contre 4,3 milliards en 2023. UBA RDC a poursuivi ses activités traditionnelles de crédit bancaire à la clientèle, tout en renforçant sa présence sur le marché des titres d’emprunt. La banque a ainsi investi environ 76,7 millions de dollars américains dans ce segment au cours de l’année.

Au-delà de la stratégie d’expansion du groupe UBA sur le marché bancaire congolais, cette croissance spectaculaire s’explique aussi par la forte dépréciation du naira face au dollar américain, devise dans laquelle sont libellés près de 91 % des actifs bancaires en RDC. Après ajustement, en tenant compte des variations du taux de change, le bénéfice réel de UBA RDC est passé de 4,3 millions de dollars en 2023 à 13,6 millions en 2024, soit une hausse significative, mais plus modérée, de 216 %.

Même si la RDC reste un levier de croissance important parmi les filiales du groupe nigérian, elle n’est pas la plus stratégique. Les filiales du Cameroun, de la Côte d’Ivoire, du Mozambique, de la Sierra Leone, du Burkina Faso, du Sénégal et même de la République du Congo voisine affichent une contribution plus substantielle aux bénéfices nets du groupe.

Par ailleurs, sur les principaux indicateurs, UBA reste en queue de peloton dans le secteur bancaire en RDC. Pour améliorer sa position, la banque s’est dotée d’un plan stratégique quinquennal couvrant la période 2024-2028. Ce document prévoit une expansion significative de son réseau, avec le passage de trois agences en 2024 à 21 en 2028, ainsi qu’une augmentation du nombre de distributeurs automatiques de billets.

La banque ambitionne également de mobiliser un volume de dépôts de 1,8 milliard de dollars d’ici la fin de la période, contre 269 millions en 2023.

Dans cette dynamique, UBA a ouvert une nouvelle agence dans la ville portuaire de Matadi. Le groupe nigérian y cible notamment les activités d’import-export, qui soutiennent sa croissance dans d’autres marchés, comme le Cameroun.

Georges Auréole Bamba

Lire aussi :

UBA RDC vise une multiplication de ses dépôts pour atteindre 1,8 milliard $ d’ici 2028

Angola is no longer mediating the talks to resolve the ongoing conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Luanda announced its withdrawal on March 24, 2025, explaining that President João Lourenço, who also chairs the African Union (AU), had to "more comprehensively focus on the general priorities established by the continental organization.

Angola’s mediation efforts, initiated in 2022, had sought to broker peace between the DRC government and M23 rebels, who are widely accused of receiving support from Rwanda. In its recent statement, Luanda noted that its multiple attempts to bring conflicting parties to the table were unfruitful. "Angola has always believed that there should be, in parallel with this process, direct negotiations between the DRC government and the M23. In this regard, it worked towards this and was able to obtain the consent of both parties for the first round of these negotiations to take place in Luanda on March 18 of the current year, an action newly aborted in extremis by a set of factors, some of which were external and extraneous to the African processes already underway," the communiqué reads.

The presidency stated that consultations with the AU Commission would determine a new mediator to replace Angola. Meanwhile, Qatar has stepped up its involvement, hosting a surprise meeting between DRC President Félix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame last week. The two leaders issued a joint statement reaffirming their commitment to an immediate ceasefire, but this pledge has yet to translate into tangible results as violence continues to escalate.

Commenting on the stalled progress, Téte António, Angola’s foreign minister, told the local media he was disappointed while reiterating that African solutions must remain central to resolving African conflicts. “All actions linked to the efforts of the United Nations or other international organizations are welcome as long as they are duly concerted with African mediators,” the Angolan presidency added in the recent note. 

Online, many people disapproved of Qatar’s involvement in the matter, deeming that a non-African nation should not mediate the peace talks. 

Since January, M23 rebels have launched an aggressive offensive in eastern DRC, capturing strategic towns such as Goma and Bukavu and advancing into mineral-rich areas like Walikale. Their control over these regions has deepened the humanitarian crisis, with millions displaced and international efforts struggling to end the conflict.

On Monday, March 24, Kinshasa began consultations for a potential government of national unity, raising questions about whether M23 representatives will be included. 

This article was initially published in French by Moutiou Adjibi Nourou (Ecofin Agency)

Edited in English by Ola Schad Akinocho

DRC Gold Trading SA, the only company allowed to export artisanal gold in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), recently opened a new office in Maniema province. On the opening day, March 21, the company’s head office manager, Amisi Mudjanahery, reassured mining cooperatives, traders, and licensed buyers of the firm’s capacity to purchase all artisanal gold in the region. Mudjanahery emphasized that this capability is backed by a partnership with Rawbank, the DRC’s leading financial institution.

“The company is there to collect all gold from artisanal and small-scale mining. This gold must be traced. Together with Rawbank, DRC Gold Trading SA would like to reassure all its suppliers that it will buy all the gold supplied to it in cash,” he stated.

Mudjanahery did not elaborate on the specifics of the partnership with Rawbank or how the bank intends to help the state-owned company fulfill its mandate.

In 2024, DRC Gold Trading aimed to export 12 tonnes of gold but managed only 1.75 tonnes. The shortfall was attributed to multiple factors, including operational halts during part of the year and uncompetitive prices offered by the company compared to those on the black market. Additionally, banking regulations restricting daily cash transactions have further complicated its operations.

Despite these challenges, optimism remains high among local stakeholders. David Kikuni, provincial president of the Maniema Gold Traders’ Corporation, expressed confidence that the new buying office would curb the exodus of gold production from the region while strengthening traceability and sector governance.

Maniema’s artisanal gold production has historically been hard to track. According to partial data from the Cellule Technique de Coordination et de Planification Minière (CTCPM), artisanal output in the first quarter of 2024 was just 5.77 kilograms. By comparison, the province produced 9.87 kilograms in the first half of 2022, accounting for 10.18% of national production that semester. In its annual report covering 2024, the CTCPM does not mention Maniema.

This article was initially written in French by Ronsard Luabeya (intern)

Edited in English by Ola Schad Akinocho

Since January 1, 2025, individuals or entities found guilty of obstructing transparency and traceability in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) mining sector now face a staggering $4.3 million fine. Outlined in Decision No. CAMI/DG/003/2024, the penalty was issued by the Directorate General of the Mining Cadastre (CAMI) on December 16, 2024. It is the most severe enforcement measure under the country’s amended Mining Code. Despite its significance, the decision has received little public attention.

The adjustment stems from Article 375 of the 2018 Mining Code. The code mandates annual revisions of fines in foreign currency. “To maintain their value, these adjustments require input from the Central Bank of Congo and approval by CAMI’s leadership”. Since the revised Mining Code came into effect in 2018, fines for violations have been increased at least four times. The latest hike is particularly striking, multiplying the previous threshold of $429,122 by ten. Earlier fines had already reached $1.23 million in 2021 and $1.07 million in 2022.

The new $4.3 million penalty is part of a broader effort to enforce stricter compliance in the mining sector, which accounts for over 95% of the DRC’s export revenues. While this fine targets violations related to transparency and traceability key provisions aimed at curbing smuggling and illicit trade penalties for at least a dozen other mining offenses have also been doubled, quadrupled, or increased tenfold since the start of 2025.

The measures coincide with heightened government efforts to combat resource plundering by M23 rebels, who recently invaded the DRC, with Rwanda’s help. The rebels currently occupy strategic areas, including Rubaya’s mineral-rich mines and cities like Goma and Bukavu.

Despite these challenges, there are signs of determination from the mining administration to strengthen oversight elsewhere in the country. The recent inauguration of a Mining Registry building in Katanga another key mining region signals an effort to bring regulatory authorities closer to industry players and ensure compliance with the law.

Updated list of fines for violations of mining regulations in the DRC

(Decision CAMI/DG/003/2024 - in force since January 1, 2025)

  • Obstruction of transparency and traceability in the mining industry: USD 4,291,222.57 (previously USD 429,122.24)
  • Fraud and looting of natural mineral resources: USD 2,145,611.26 (versus USD 1,072,805.65)
  • Illicit activities:USD 1,072,805.65 (vs. USD 42,912.25)
  • Illicit purchase and sale of mineral substances: USD 128,736.67 (versus USD 42,912.25)
  • Theft and concealment of mineral substances: USD 85,824.43 (versus USD 21,456.11)
  • Embezzlement of mineral substances: 85 824.43 USD (versus 21 456.11 USD)
  • Illicit possession of mineral substances: USD 85,824.43 (compared with USD 8,582.43)
  • Illicit transport of mineral substances: USD 85,824.43 (versus USD 8,582.43)
  • Facilitation of detour of mineral substances: USD 42,912.25 (vs. USD 21,456.11)
  • Violations of human rights: USD 42,912.25 (new offence)
  • Violation of health and safety regulations: USD 42,912.25 (versus USD 21,456.11)
  • Destruction, degradation or fraudulent/malicious damage: USD 42,912.25 (versus USD 21,456.11)
  • Obstructing the activities of the Mining Administration: USD 42,912.25 (versus USD 8,582.43)
  • Infringement of ministerial or provincial governor decrees: USD 42,912.25 (compared with USD 4,291.24)
  • Insults or violence towards Mining Administration officials: 21,456.11 USD (compared with 4,291.24 USD)
  • Refusal to communicate a change of address: 21,456.11 USD (new offence)
  • Corruption of public officials: 4,291.24 USD (new offence)

 

This article was initially published in French by Georges Auréole Bamba

Edited in English by Ola Schad Akinocho

On March 24, 2025, leaders of the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) held their second joint summit addressing the ongoing crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The meeting, which took place online, is a new milestone towards bringing peace to the region. The Kenyan and Zimbabwean Presidents, William Ruto and Emmerson Mnangagwa, co-chaired the roundtable. Ruto and Mnangagwa respectively chair the EAC and SADC.

At the summit's conclusion, five former heads of state were appointed as facilitators for the peace process: Olusegun Obasanjo (Nigeria), Uhuru Kenyatta (Kenya), Kgalema Motlanthe (South Africa), Catherine Samba-Panza (Central African Republic), and Sahle-Work Zewde (Ethiopia). They were picked based on gender, regional, and linguistic representation criteria, according to an official communiqué. This panel will take over dialogue efforts previously led by Angolan President João Lourenço, who stepped down to focus on continental priorities as Angola holds the African Union presidency.

Escalating Conflict

Eastern DRC has been facing a conflict with M3 rebels since January. The invaders, backed by Rwanda, have captured strategic cities like Goma and Bukavu. Despite multiple regional and international initiatives, the conflict continues. 

Last week, Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame met in Qatar. According to a joint statement issued after the meeting, the two leaders “reaffirmed commitments to an immediate and unconditional ceasefire,” echoing resolutions from the first joint EAC-SADC summit held in February in Dar es Salaam.

The March 24 summit also adopted a roadmap outlining measures for sustainable peace and security in eastern DRC. While details remain undisclosed, participants urged swift implementation of these actions and directed the co-chairs to organize a briefing with the facilitators within a week, in collaboration with the African Union.

This article was initially published in French by Charlène N’dimon(Ecofin Agency)

Edited in English by Ola Schad Akinocho

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